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    For a homicide to qualify as an assassination, there must also be political implications. Second, privately motivated homicides were almost exclusively perpetrated outside the public limelight field 6.

    In between, there are cases that evince a political background but are without an explicit call to action fields 2 and 5.

    In very rare cases fields 3 and 4 , privately motivated homicides were committed in public field 3 , or highly political crimes were committed outside the city center field 4.

    As we will see, these are abnormal cases, and patterns are recognizable. The three basic motives are a public call to action, as in the case of a tyrannicide; a political act without a public call to action; and a private quarrel.

    We will see that these motives can serve as heuristic categories and, indeed, often account for the location chosen, which means that by looking more closely at the spatial dimension of homicides, we might be able to discern better the underlying motives of the assassins.

    What follows is a chronological overview of all those Athenian nonfictional homicide cases and executions for which the location is attested or probable.

    Overview of Cases No. During the so-called Cylonian affair, possibly in BCE, the aristocrat Cylon occupied the Acropolis with his followers, perhaps to establish a tyranny in Athens.

    In response, the Athenians laid siege to the Acropolis. Cylon escaped, but his men, cunningly lured out of the temple of Athena with the promise that they would get away scot-free, were slain outside the building, although some of them had taken refuge at altars.

    Athens even had to be purified by the Cretan specialist for ritual cleansing, Epimenides. The problem that incurred pollution miasma was the use of deception and the act of killing these men on sacred ground.

    Cimon, who was a public figure as a prominent aristocrat, was trapped in an ambush at night. That he was murdered in the heart of the city is appropriate to his social position.

    This killing makes it abundantly clear that not even an aristocrat was safe in the urban and political center of the town. This assassination was probably intended to bolster the position of the Peisistratids through an extreme act of intimidation.

    This location is not pure accident, although it is true that Harmodius and Aristogeiton were frightened and felt the need to strike immediately because their plot had been betrayed.

    Though Harmodius and Aristogeiton might simply have found it easier to approach the tyrant during a civic festival and surely killed for personal reasons, it is intriguing to see how the Athenians understood the public killing.

    The actual, private character of the killing fell into oblivion because of the spectacular location.

    For a killing to qualify as tyrannicide, it had to take place, it seems, in public. His uttering this opinion enraged the members of the Council and the people gathering outside, to such an extent that they stoned Lycidas to death.

    Although the stoning was not perpetrated in the civic center of the city, the deed was highly political in meaning. If he was indeed killed, he was probably not slain in a private quarrel, although we cannot rule out this possibility.

    We can only guess why the hit man would choose not to kill Ephialtes in public. For these reasons, they may have opted for quietly removing their hated opponent.

    Also, they could not make Ephialtes correspond to the image of a tyrant. If Aristodicus was from Tanagra, he was a metic or even a foreigner, maybe a proxy, a hit man who committed a murder commissioned by aristocrats.

    The real plotters could remain in the background, and it was simply easier to get rid of Ephialtes during the night than during the day.

    Pragmatic reasons suggested this procedure. In this case, the killing beyond the public gaze does not suggest an absence of political motives.

    In the case of Ephialtes, the sending of such a message was to be avoided at all costs. To express his despair and the groundlessness of the accusation against him, Paches killed himself with his sword in plain view of all attendants in the courtroom, a spectacular gesture and powerful display of emotions that was probably also supposed to reveal the flaws of the Athenian political and juridical system.

    Apart from the fact that the two men died, we do not know anything about this case. It is not even clear that the potion was supposed to kill the men.

    Thus, if it was a homicide, it was a typical, privately motivated homicide taking place outside the public sphere. She must have done so with the support of her family, because she would have had to return permanently to her home oikos if the divorce was to go through as planned she already lived with her brother Callias by the time of the divorce filing.

    It was not enough for Alcibiades to go to the archon on his own and drag his wife away; it was important to him that he was seen, that his interference in the filing of the divorce took on a performative character.

    Two weeks later, Hipparete died under mysterious circumstances. It is likely that Alcibiades maltreated her at home to such an extent that she died of the consequences.

    There was no state-organized independent prosecution that could have initiated investigations. Filing a lawsuit almost always lay with private persons and, thus, also hinged on social factors.

    Whoever was intimidated or felt that he could not win did not dare turn to the courts. In this system, the certainty of legal protection against personal injury could not exist, and Alcibiades knew that he had nothing to fear.

    In his absence, one of the boys, Diodotus, drank a potion and died in front of all the other trainees. His lack of power and agency was fully revealed, and his social standing and political status were thus undermined.

    Some of the accused fled into exile before being caught or before being sentenced; some, like Andocides, denounced others and thus managed to save their own lives.

    Not all of the people listed in table 2 were actually executed. Many escaped punishment. Those who were forced to die probably drank hemlock in prison.

    They did so secretly. As with Ephialtes, the oligarchs killed in secret. Once the Four Hundred were in power, albeit only for a short period of time, they executed some people whose names we do not know, but their rule can in no way be compared to the terror regime of the Thirty seven years later.

    According to Thucydides, they took a great risk indeed by going public. The oligarchic regime of the Four Hundred was still in power, so the assassins were right to escape immediately after the deed.

    They clearly intended to send a call for action to the Athenian citizens or at least to the moderate oligarchs, and this assassination indeed triggered the downfall of the Four Hundred.

    Instead, they declared Phrynichus a traitor and regarded his killers as tyrant slayers who were to be honored for the rest of their lives.

    He was sentenced to death and was executed, probably in prison. By taking Antiphon to court, he emphasized his support for the renewed democracy.

    Some pointed to this procedural mistake, most of all Socrates. A public killing or execution would have rendered Theramenes a hero, a martyr figure.

    It goes without saying that Leon of Salamis was executed nevertheless. Some members of the Thirty wielded an excessive amount of power and were successful at persuading their colleagues to sentence certain people to death: Satyrus and Chremon, for example, had Calliades no.

    After the downfall of the Thirty, Menestratus was executed no. One of the most evil figures under the Thirty was Agoratus, who was of low social birth and gained some merit by participating in the assassination of Phrynichus.

    The Thirty let him live only because he promised to collaborate and denounce people. His most famous victim, according to Lysias, was the democrat Dionysodorus no.

    We do not know whether or not Agoratus was sentenced. The Thirty staged and masked their murders as a kind of lawful execution.

    We could call them judicial murder. The Athenians, especially supporters of the democracy, felt the same.

    The Thirty did not rely on the traditional law courts, where jurors selected by lot applied the law in legal proceedings that were open for all to observe.

    The trauma of the Thirty Tyrants haunted the Athenians during the fourth century and made them recognize that a functioning legal system was the cornerstone of their democracy.

    Dying in prison by order of a governing body, however illegitimate this body was, did not suggest personal quarrels or greed, at least not on the surface.

    Under the restored democracy, Menestratus, as mentioned above, was deliberately executed in public via apotumpanismos, the Athenian form of crucifixion no.

    Compared to drinking hemlock, dying through apotumpanismos was a more severe form of execution. Tied onto a wooden plank the tumpanon , the delinquent died a slow and painful death over the course of several days.

    Under normal circumstances, this kind of execution was reserved for real malefactors, the so-called kakourgoi.

    With the use of apotumpanismos, Menestratus was turned into such a kakourgos. Maybe Menestratus breached the stringent rules of atimia dishonor, loss of civic status this way.

    By analogy with Menestratus, Dionysius, the plaintiff in no. By their public execution, they were stigmatized as murderers commissioned by the Thirty Tyrants.

    As a result, the democratic demos people, populace could see that some kind of revenge was fulfilled. Allegedly, the Thirty also killed ten, thirty, or sixty metics, presumably in prison.

    In addition, we know the names of two foreigners who were killed by the tyrants nos. Once more, it becomes clear that the Athenians did not understand Socrates, even in their revenge on his behalf.

    As reasons for the accusations, bribery, embezzlement, treason, defeat, or any kind of misconduct in office could be brought forward by political enemies.

    Accusations against commanders for trifling charges were among the standard methods employed by many politicians of the fifth and fourth centuries BCE to vie for prestige and power.

    Since the majority of jurors was fickle and could be swayed by the power of oratory, the outcome of a trial was always uncertain.

    The list in table 2 contains only those cases where executions actually took place. There were many more cases in which the accused was acquitted, was fined, or went into exile before the sentence was meted out.

    Some grain dealers, metics, took advantage of the opportunity, hoarded grain, and thus manipulated the price. The public outrage was such that they were almost lynched.

    A member of the Council intervened and launched a regular trial through eisangelia. For those who were convicted, the death penalty was looming.

    We do not know the outcome of the trial, but it is significant that even grain dealers could be accused through eisangelia, a procedure whose application was originally confined to traitors and underperforming commanders.

    This homicide took place in public, on an open field. Some fellow demesmen of the brothers witnessed the scene while tilling their fields. It is likely that this homicide happened on the spur of the moment, in the heat of the argument; otherwise, Thydippus might have tried to kill his brother in a more remote place.

    We do not know more about this case; it may have been a false accusation to frame Apollodorus for murder.

    He felt so offended that he could not restrain himself and killed the offender. He was then condemned by a single vote, on the grounds that he had exercised exaggerated revenge.

    While many judges felt that Euaeon was right in retaliating even at the risk of killing the aggressor, a slight majority of judges had qualms not about the revenge but about its extreme form.

    This homicide happened semipublicly, in the context of a symposion dining feast , and can be regarded as a private quarrel and a crime of passion.

    In this context, Demosthenes tells us about another brawl that occurred at a private party and resulted in a homicide.

    The passage is vexed; it is actually not clear whether Euthynus killed Sophilus or vice versa no. In an attempt to seize property from the speaker, they went to his farm and started carrying off things.

    She hid it under her garment and would not hand it over to the aggressors. Contemporaries suspected that Demosthenes was involved in the affair.

    Nicodemus was a friend of Meidias, who was an archenemy of Demosthenes. The signal character of the mutilation is in need of explanation. Why was a less drastic killing of Nicodemus not enough for his killer s?

    It suggests, at least, underlying political motives. At first, thanks to the help of Aeschines, Antiphon was released by the Assembly. But on the initiative of Demosthenes, the Areopagus investigated the case again and transferred it back to the Assembly, which sentenced Antiphon to death.

    He was tortured on the rack and executed around BCE, probably in public, which demonstrates that he was no longer regarded as a citizen.

    We do not know the background of this story but may assume that it was not of private nature. The case remains obscure for us. A certain Anaxinus of Oreos claimed to have been sent to Athens by Olympias, the Macedonian queen, in order to buy some goods.

    Demosthenes, however, was firmly convinced that he had recognized a spy of Philip. By means of eisangelia a form of bringing public charges , he brought Anaxinus in front of the Assembly of the People and had a decree passed that if he should be convicted, Anaxinus would be executed.

    We do not know the form of execution, but it is possible that it happened in public, in analogy to the traitor Antiphon no. Lycurgus considered this behavior treason and brought an eisangelia charge against the member of the Areopagus.

    Autolycus was convicted and executed, presumably forced to drink hemlock in prison. One or more of the creditors realized what was going on and accused the emporos merchant through eisangelia, because he damaged not only them but Athens as a whole, in its capacity as a leading trading post.

    The unknown debtor was convicted and executed. The case is decidedly private, but by using the procedure of eisangelia, the accusers charged the case with public relevance, showing an interpretive shift from field 6 in table 1 to field 5.

    He was accused of having betrayed the Piraeus to Nicanor. Compared to trials in earlier times, this lawsuit was irregular. Phocion was hardly heard, was booed down by the masses, and was sentenced to death by drinking hemlock together with some of his comrades.

    Conclusion In sum, in Athens and in the Greek world generally speaking , the spatial dimension of homicide seems to have been a significant factor and potentially a political category.

    The same result can be stated in a different way: most public murders had considerable political significance; they are assassinations, whereas most privately committed homicides do not carry any political weight.

    The findings are too numerous and too significant to be mere coincidences of preservation in the historical record. Since the democratic polis insisted that all politics should be open to the public gaze today we would speak of transparency , a homicide could be charged with symbolic significance only through its location in the civic heart of the city or through the creation of an audience.

    This requirement of going public with everything political, even political murder, in tandem with the unflagging belief in the negotiability of the meaning of any political event, provided citizens with the chance of representing a homicide as tyrannicide or political necessity under certain circumstances.

    The semantic visualization in table 1 reveals patterns: it not only represents well the tendency of our sources to focus on political violence field 5 , whereas privately motivated homicides fields 3 and 6 are rather neglected, but it may also be indicative of contemporary reality: genuine assassinations nos.

    The Alcmeonid perpetrators probably tried to represent their action differently, as the legitimate assassination of a would-be tyrant and his followers, which conveyed a symbolic message, but they did not prevail with their view of things.

    Applying our heuristic model, we could say that they failed with their interpretive shift from field 2 to field 1.

    It is interesting to note that the only case of a privately motivated homicide that happened in public, the killing of Hipparchus by Harmodius and Aristogeiton no.

    Field 4 is almost a contradictio in adiecto. The one and only case we know of, the stoning of Lycidas and his family, is highly irregular.

    Our sources focus on field 5, political trials. Most frequently, political opponents were killed outside the public limelight, in prison so as not to convey any kind of message; oligarchs in particular killed their democratic rivals in secret due to the basically democratic power structures in Athens Ephialtes, Androcles.

    Supporters of the democracy never killed their oligarchic enemies in public. The most elegant solution was always to have enemies executed by court sentence.

    This manner of execution was employed for political as well as private motives fields 5 and 6 , because these spheres overlapped in the Athenian sociopolitical environment.

    The Thirty staged mock trials behind closed doors. It is interesting to note that the secret removal of Ephialtes no.

    The number of privately motivated homicides field 6 , which almost always happened in a private or even secret context, must have been much higher.

    But such homicides are understandably not represented by the kinds of evidence we have, since our sources mostly focus on political and military history.

    Chronologically, we observe a clear sequence, from the violent staseis outbreaks of violence characteristic of civil war of archaic times, to ostracism, and on to the formation of a complicated court system, which Athenian competitors for power and prestige regarded as a venue for political as well as personal fights and, especially, for enacting revenge.

    The assessment of the Athenian legal system is beyond the scope of this contribution. Instead of a more formal conclusion, I would like to present a test case that, I hope, will further corroborate my thesis.

    Let us return to no. By calling on a posse of friends, the Athenian farmer and cuckolded husband Euphiletus deliberately established a semipublic atmosphere that helped to stage the purely private revenge killing field 6 of the adulterer Eratosthenes as a justifiable homicide, even tyrannicide shift to field 1.

    Both slaying a tyrant and executions require a public context. Visibility and the ability to witness homicide, it seems, were crucial in constructing and assessing its inherent symbolic qualities.

    Euphiletus followed these cultural parameters. Instead of removing Eratosthenes quietly, which would have been typical of a private quarrel, Euphiletus sought to establish a public event.

    We do not know whether the judges followed this bold interpretive shift and acquitted Euphiletus. This observation partly explains the manifold variations we encounter in the analysis of the spatial dimension of lethal violence in Athens.

    Amyx, D. Andrewes, A. Avery, H.

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